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“Suicide by Cop” Civil Liability Case Summaries
FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin
August,
1998
Suicide by Cop
By
Daniel B. Kennedy, Ph.D.
Robert
J. Homant, Ph.D.
R.
Thomas Hupp, M.A.
Upon hearing the term "suicide by
cop," the average person would probably think of police officers who take
their own lives. However, to law enforcement officers, this phrase refers to an
individual who wishes to die and uses the police to effect that goal. The
following case serves as an example of this phenomenon.
A terrified woman called police because her
ex-boyfriend was breaking into her home. Upon arrival, police heard screams
coming from the basement. They stopped halfway down the stairs and found the
ex-boyfriend pointing a rifle at the floor. Officers observed a strange look on
the subject's face as he slowly raised the rifle in their direction. Both
officers fired their weapons, killing the suspect. The rifle was not loaded.
Assuming the incident happened as described,
suicidal intent by the ex-boyfriend appeared to be the most reasonable
explanation for the shooting. However, critics of police shootings may consider
it far-fetched that the ex-boyfriend would threaten police with an empty gun.
They may speculate that he wanted to surrender, or that
"trigger-happy" police merely assumed the subject might aim the gun
at them. Although the term suicide by cop has been discussed in social-science
literature,1 in police training
material, and in newspaper accounts of fatal shootings by police, much remains
to be learned.
Questions arise concerning whether a shooting is
necessary or avoidable in any police shooting even when it is attributed to
suicide by cop. Analyzing such incidents by considering possible suicidal
motivations would prove beneficial for police training, for police-community
relations, for helping officers deal with postshooting stress, and for
determining civil liability.
Previously, administrative reviews of police
shootings often focused too narrowly on use-of-force issues, in the sense that
they tried to determine only if police selected the appropriate level of force
needed to subdue the subject. In many cases, however, it seemed the subject
actively encouraged or challenged the officer to use deadly force. While the
truth of such situations can seldom be known with certainty, a more systematic
exploration of their frequency may shed some light on these complex situations.
As a result, the authors found a need to further study the phenomenon of
suicide by cop.
OCCASIONS
OF SUICIDE BY COP
Police may confront shootings motivated by
suicidal subjects more often than reports indicate. In one case, an adult male
drove his car onto the front lawn of police headquarters in downtown Detroit.
He exited his vehicle, took out a handgun, and began shooting at the building.
Several police officers returned fire until they killed the subject.
In another case, Philadelphia police responded
to a burglary-in- progress call at a local school. Upon arrival, the suspect
fired twice at the police. A subsequent chase through the school corridors
followed. A police dog eventually cornered the subject, and as the officers
approached, they found the subject crouched and pointing a gun at them. Police
fired, killing the subject. Police later found that the subject's gun was a
starter pistol, incapable of firing live rounds. Furthermore, family members
later identified the subject's voice on police tapes as the person who placed
the initial burglary call to police. Finally, police learned that the subject
had been hospitalized as the result of a suicide attempt.2
Other occasions exist in which the suicidal
intent of a subject is clearly evident, but due to particularly patient and
attentive police work, a shooting does not occur and a death is avoided. Such
an example occurs in the following case.
An officer patrolling a hotel parking lot
observed a man pushing a woman onto the floor of a vehicle. The woman was nude
and bloody from the waist down. The officer approached the vehicle and noticed
that the man's blue jeans were covered with blood. The man began walking toward
him yelling profanities along with "Go ahead.... kill me." As the
officer drew his weapon and pointed it at the subject, he ordered the man to
the ground. The subject kept walking toward him saying, "kill me, you
chicken. Shoot me in the head, kill me...." The officer backed up, trying
to keep a safe distance, as the subject kept putting his hands in his pockets
and behind his back. Backup officers surprised the subject from behind and
subsequently subdued him.3 Each of the above cases reasonably implies
that the suspects acted in such a manner to ensure that police officers would
shoot them.
HIDDEN
SUICIDE
The concept of hidden suicide illustrates the
complexities of suicide by cop. Many deaths appear to result from natural or
accidental causes that might better be classified as forms of suicide. Some
researchers have long suspected that many single-occupant car crashes'
especially those that occur under excellent driving conditions, involve
suicidal motivations.4 Some researchers
also attribute certain airplane crashes,5
parachute fatalities,6 and workplace
fatalities7 to suicidal motivations.
Furthermore, several opponents of the death penalty argue that the existence of
capital punishment may induce suicidal people to commit murder in order to die
by execution.8 Similarly, individuals
who suddenly experience a homicidal rage may be described as suicidal because
their actions often result in their own deaths.9
This can occur either at the hands of intended victims who are defending
themselves or due to the intervention of authorities. The ambiguity involved in
determining whether a death is suicidal has given rise to the concept of a
psychological autopsy and the investigative specialty of equivocal death
analysis.10
Most relevant to the concept of suicide by cop
is the phenomenon known as victim-precipitated homicide. By initiating an
assault or otherwise provoking someone, suicide-prone individuals achieve their
goals without losing self-esteem. Furthermore, police officers frequently have
to deal with individuals who display a good deal of impulsivity and
self-destructive behavior.11
CATEGORIZING
POLICE SHOOTINGS
In any modern democracy, the use of force by law
enforcement officers is subject to a great deal of scrutiny. Even so, the lack
of an effective centralized reporting system and other methodological problems
have left researchers unable to determine the exact number of justifiable
homicides by police each year.
In 1989, the FBI began to track the number of
justifiable homicides by police. The average per year from 1988 to 1993 was
389.12 While data prior to 1988 are more
problematic, experts generally agree that a significant reduction in the use of
deadly force by police officers has occurred. Whether as a result of increased
professionalism, more restrictive policies, or civil litigation, police
officers exercise far more restraint than in the past. Nevertheless, police use
of force remains the subject of intense national scrutiny.
DETERMINING
SUICIDAL MOTIVATION
The authors conducted research to determine
whether suicide by cop constitutes some meaningful percentage of police
shootings. Additionally, the authors attempted to determine whether any
particular circumstances distinguished suicide by cop from other police
shootings. In order to obtain a representative sample of police shootings, the
authors reviewed an electronic library, containing full-text newspaper
articles, to obtain a broad sample of accounts of police shootings in which
potential cases of suicide by cop could be found. The electronic library
contained the full text from 22 newspapers, representing 18 metropolitan areas.
A keyword search using the words "police," "shoot," and
"citizen" produced 887 articles from January 1980 through June 1995.
By eliminating duplicates and those articles that did not specifically describe
a police shooting incident, the authors found 240 articles suitable for
analysis.
Two experienced police officers with master's
degrees in criminal justice rated the 240 incidents independently of each
another. They cataloged the 240 incidents into one of five categories. Most of
their ratings closely agreed. In fact, in 74 percent of the cases, their
ratings were exactly the same.
Although no way exists to prove that a
particular incident definitely involved suicidal impulse, these five categories
and the news stories that represent the cases help to illustrate the validity
of the rating process.
1) Probable Suicide: The subjects show
clear suicidal motivation, either by word or gesture or they confront the
police with a dangerous weapon despite having no way to escape, virtually
forcing the officers to shoot.
This category illustrates itself in the case of
a Philadelphia man who brandished a gun and threatened to take his own life
inside a police department. When officers tried to convince the man to drop the
gun, he started saying, "Shoot me, shoot me." A police officer shot
him, after the subject barricaded himself and pointed his gun at the
officer."
2) Possible Suicide: Subjects appear
disturbed or otherwise act as if they do not care whether officers kill them;
they may make a futile or hopeless escape attempt.14
The following case depicts this category. A man
had an argument with his mother and sister, and they threw him out of the
house. Five hours later he got into a confrontation with Ocoee, Florida,
police. Officers first found the 33-year-old construction worker sleeping in
his car. The subject ignored orders to exit the vehicle.
As an officer radioed for backup, the man climbed into the driver's seat, started the car, and accelerated directly toward another officer. The subject ran over one officer's foot, then accelerated toward a second officer. The police shot and killed the subject.
3) Uncertain: Either too little
contradictory information is given. Subjects may or may not have had some
suicidal motivation. This category could be represented by a robbery suspect
who gets shot after turning toward police officers with a weapon.15
4) Suicide Improbable: Subjects' behavior
give no overt indication of suicidal or self-destructive intent, and the
behavior can easily be accounted for without assuming such motivation. The
possibility of underlying suicidal intent cannot be ruled out.
This concept presents itself, in the shooting
death of a man taking part in a drug deal foiled by police. When the police
confronted the group of men, one pulled a pistol and aimed at the officers,
forcing the officers to fire.16
5) No Suicidal Evidence: Subjects clearly
attempt to avoid being shot. If the situation involves an attempt to flee, a
reasonable hope of success should appear.17
In one incident, the police shot a man in the
leg after he pulled a knife and tried to drag an officer from an unmarked
police car. While struggling with the robber, the officer managed to draw and
fire his weapon. The police spokesman described the shooting as
straightforward; the person robbing the officer was armed with a knife.18
ANALYSIS
OF INCIDENTS
Demographics
The news articles occasionally included demographics
for the civilians involved. The person was typically male (97 percent) and
between the ages of 16 and 35 (68 percent). Homelessness or mental illness was
identified in 14 cases (5 percent). In addition, the incidents usually involved
uniformed, on-duty police officers. Occasionally, off-duty officers (13
percent) and plainclothes officers (12 percent) were involved. Additionally, a
few cases involved narcotics officers, SWAT team members, members of special
surveillance teams, detectives, and some special task force officers.
Suicidal
Motivation
The authors found evidence of probable or
possible suicidal motivation in 16 percent of the 240 incidents. They
classified the vast majority of the incidents as indeterminate, due to the lack
of pertinent information in the new articles and a lack of follow-up articles.
It is uncertain how many of these indeterminate articles might have indicated
suicidal motivation if the articles provided more details. Of the 80 incidents
that provided enough detail to classify, a surprisingly large 46 percent
contained some evidence of probable or possible suicidal motivation.
The researchers used three variables to assess
each of the 240 incidents. Those three variables included: lethality,
circumstances, and precipitating events.
Lethality
With regard to lethality, 69 percent resulted in
fatalities, 17 percent proved nonfatal, and in 14 percent of the cases, the
outcome was unclear." Nonfatalities showed less suicidal motivation, but
more evidence is needed to confirm this.
Circumstances
In categorizing the 240 incidents according to
the crime category or reason for the officer's intervention, at least 34 types
of situations occurred. Some examples of those situations include impounding an
animal, investigating a prowler, responding to complaints about loud music, and
responding to an armed robbery -- the single most common category.
As expected, researchers found a slight trend
for suicidal incidents to involve the cluster of a general disturbance,
domestic disturbance, and person with a weapon calls. A high number of suicidal
incidents, however, also stemmed from armed robberies, and many of the
nonsuicidal shootings began with traffic stops. Speculation holds that armed
robbery often signifies a desperate crime in which offenders, while much
preferring to get away, would rather be killed than captured.
Precipitating
Event
Researchers identified numerous different
reasons why police officers fired their weapons. Pointing or firing a gun at an
officer represented the most common precipitating event by far. A cluster of
events that can be construed as challenging the officer (e.g., pointing a gun
at the officer, firing at the officer, reaching for a weapon, etc.) accounted
for 89 percent of the suicide by cop incidents, compared to only 49 percent of
the nonsuicidal incidents. The nonsuicidal incidents were more likely to
involve accidental or vague circumstances.
Cross-Validation
Study
The authors conducted a follow-up study because
of the vague initial finding that suicidal motivation could be implicated in
anywhere from 16 to 46 percent of the incidents. The new sample of incidents,
taken from the Detroit Free Press files from 1992 to 1993, produced 33 usable
incidents. Once again, the authors classified many of the incidents (42
percent) as indeterminate; of the 19 incidents with sufficient detail, the
authors classified 9 (47 percent) as having possible suicidal motivation.
Although this still leaves the range of possible suicidal incidents vague, it
does support the conclusion that suicide by cop is not a rare occurrence.
Discussion
Perhaps the difficulty of identifying and
dealing with suicide by cop is best illustrated by two incidents found in the
cross-validation study, neither of which qualified as police shootings. In one
incident, a man fired a shotgun inside a home, wounding three people and
killing a 2-year-old girl. When confronted behind the home by officers, the man
shouted, "I'm sorry! I'm sorry! Don't shoot me! I'm gonna shoot myself
after which the man fired into his chest.20
The second case involved a 17-year-old youth
with no criminal record who was chased by police one night when he failed to
pay for gas. He managed to elude police but later killed himself with one of
many handguns found in his possession.21
One of these cases stemmed from a very serious
incident; the other, from a comparatively trivial one. Both resulted in actual
suicides but could have easily resulted in suicides by cop or in the killing of
police officers. In both cases the suicide made the subjects' intentions
obvious. Had the incidents resulted in shootings by the police, the evidence of
the subjects' suicidal intent may or may not have been detectable.
Although other methodological issues could be
taken into consideration, the study establishes suicidal motivation as a
significant factor in many police shootings. The percentage of nationally
reported police shootings involving probable or possible suicidal motivation
ranges between 16 and 46 percent, and the cross-validation study found a
similar range of 27 to 47 percent. These results indicate that this phenomenon
warrants more careful study. At least four repercussions may develop as policy
makers and citizens realize that the cause for many shooting deaths may arise
more from a death wish on the part of the subject than from the officer's
discretion in a shoot/don't shoot situation.
First, obvious implications exist for
police-community relations. Citizens remain concerned about police use of
deadly force, and citizens' attitudes play a key role in determining police
effectiveness. The extent to which police shootings may be victim precipitated
constitutes a variable that merits inclusion in the shaping of those attitudes.
A second important issue concerns dealing with
police stress. While the concept of critical incidents for police now covers a
broad spectrum, postshooting stress remains a major problem for many officers.
The fatal shooting of a suicidal person, who perhaps has a mental illness, may
be more or less stressful than the shooting of a dangerous felon. An awareness
of this type of shooting situation remains critical for officers and police
psychologists to understand more about the frequency and circumstances of
suicide by cop.
A third implication involves civil litigation
instigated against police officers for use of force in wrongful death actions.
Admittedly, for police to say that a civilian engaged in suicide by cop may
sound like a self-serving attempt to excuse the shooting, or at least to divert
any negative community backlash. Yet, even an unambiguous case of suicide by
cop does not necessarily exonerate the officer involved; officers still must
make reasonable attempts to avoid having to use deadly force. An understanding
of the dynamics of suicide by cop may help juries determine the practicality of
alternative actions officers may be expected to take.
Finally, an appreciation of the extent of
suicide by cop may have widespread training implications. Officers who
recognize the suicidal intentions often motivating the actions of disturbed
persons may use a different approach in those calls involving domestic violence
offenders and barricaded subjects, as well as a variety of other calls that
involve police-citizen encounters. At the academy level, instructors devote
only about 9 percent of basic training time to interpersonal skills.22 The percentage of time allotted to such
training may need increasing or readjusting to deal appropriately with the suicide-by-cop
phenomenon.
CONCLUSION
Police officers often have suspected that many
police shootings are the ultimate result of suicidal intentions on the part of
the subjects themselves. Whether explained as a form of victim- precipitated
homicide, a consequence of impulsivity, or a result of various personality
disorders, more must be learned about the phenomenon of suicide by cop. The
results reported here suggest that the phenomenon plays a significant factor in
police shootings.
Further research into this topic could have a
significant impact on police-community relations by illustrating the role of
many shooting suspects in causing their own deaths. Police officers themselves
could better adjust to the trauma of shootings by gaining an appreciation of
the suicidal nature of many subjects. The ability to curb litigation also would
occur as juries more appropriately assess the culpability of all parties to a
shooting. Finally, management could adjust police training and tactical
operations to more appropriately respond to the phenomenon of suicide by cop.
In an ideal world, no police officer would ever
have to shoot a suspect; peaceful resolution would occur. Yet, every day,
officers become involved in dangerous situations where this does not hold true.
Properly trained officers who understand the motivations of subjects with
suicidal impulses and know how to deal with them will be better prepared to
avert these tragedies.
Endnotes
1. Geller and M. Scott, Deadly Force: What We
Know (Washington DC: Police Executive
Research Forum, 1992).
2. Richard N. Jenet and Robert J. Segal,
"Provoked Shooting by Police as a Mechanism for Suicide," The
American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology 6 (March 1985): 274-75.
3. Although the hotel parking lot incident
involved an armed uniformed security officer rather than a sworn police
officer, the authors believe that the expressive career felon would have
exhibited the same behavior. Ironically the subject was eventually sentenced to
death for the murder of the woman's husband, which had occurred only minutes
before the security officer arrived on the scene.
4. See, for example, M. Seltzer and C. Payne,
"Automobile Accidents, Suicide and Unconscious Motivation," American
Journal of Psychiatry 119 (1962): 237-40.
5. D. Phillips, "Airplane Accident
Fatalities Increase Just After Newspaper Stories about Murder and
Suicide," Science, 201 1978, 748- 750.
6. D. Lester, Questions and Answers About
Suicide (Philadelphia: Charles Press, 1989).
7. J. Kinny, Preventing Violence at Work
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995).
8. K. Wormer. "Execution-Inspired Murder A
Form of Suicide?" Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 22 (1995): 1-10.
9. D. Lester, The Death Penalty
(Springfield, IL: Walter C. Thomas. 1987).
10. For autoerotic asphyxiation. see R.
Hazelwood. P. Dietz, and A. Burgess, "Sexual Fatalities: Behavioral
Reconstruction in Equivocal Cases," Journal of Forensic, Sciences 27
(1982): 763-773. For a discussion of equivocal death analysis in general and
the problems of psychological autopsies see N. Poythress et al., "APA's
Expert Panel in the Congressional Review of the USS Iowa Incident",
American Psychologist 48 (1993): 8-15.
11. G. Gabbard, Treatment of Psychiatric
Disorders, vols. 1-2, 2d ed. (Washington DC, American Psychiatric Press,
1995). W. Wilbanks, "Fatal Accidents, Suicide and Homicide: Are They
Related?" Victimology 7 (1982): 213-217; and C. Williams, J. Davidson, and
I. Montgomery, "Impulsive Suicidal Behavior," Journal of Clinical
Psychology 36 (1980): 90-94.
12. A. Karmen, Crime Victims, 3d ed.
(Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1996), 12-17.
13. "Lee Brown's Sermon: Cops, Citizens
Unite," Philadelphia Inquirer, March 9, 1994, sec. B 20.
14. Lauren Ritchie and Karen Samsock,
"Ocoee Police Kill Driver Who Chased Them with Car" Orlando Sentinel,
November 15, 1989, sec. D 1.
15. Mitch Gelman, Untitled. New York Newsday,
February 5, 1990. sec. News. p. 7.
16. "Killed in Gun Battle," Philadelphia
Daily News, December
17. 1993, sec. Local. p-12 17. The concept of a
"reasonable hope of success" is problematic. With adrenaline flowing,
a shootout with police at long odds may seem reasonable, especially to avoid
life imprisonment or a possible death sentence. Nevertheless, the fact that
raters can agree indicates, at least, that these categories can be applied
consistently.
18. The Miami Herald staff, "Miami Robber
Picks Undercover Cop, Police Say," Herald, July 24, 1991, sec. 2B.
19. The "unclear" category was often
the result of the actual outcome being indeterminate at the time the story was
written.
20. Jim Schaefer, "Gunman Kills Toddler,
Hurts Four, Then Shoots Self," Detroit Free Press, March 24, 1992, sec.
3A.
21. "Youth Stuck Up For His Friends,"
Detroit Free Press, May 4, 1992, sec. 2B.
22. R. Langworthy, et al., Law Enforcement
Recruitment, Selection and Training: A Survey of Major Police Departments in
the U.S. (Highland Heights, KY: ACJS, 1995: 15).
© 1998 by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, U.S. Dept. of Justice
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